Monday, July 18, 2011

Notes of an Anarchist - I

সেলিম রেজা নিউটন(রাজশাহী বিশ্বঃ) এর একটা লেখা পড়ছিলাম, যেটা উনি ফেসবুক মাধ্যমে প্রচার করছেন, তার একটা বক্তৃতার অনুলিপি। তার রেফারেন্সে রুডলফ রকার এর লেখাটার সূত্র পাওয়া গেলো। প্রুধান এর সমালোচনায় মার্ক্স সম্ভবত 'দর্শনের দারিদ্র্য' লিখেছিলেন। ওটা এখনো পড়া হয়নি। পার্টির মধ্যে 'লেনিন' ইমেজের একটা প্রতিরূপ পাওয়া যায়। চমস্কির লেখায় প্রথম ধারণা পেয়েছিলাম, লেনিনের এই 'বিপ্লব' মেকানিজমের, যদিও তার সবকিছুর সাথে একমত না, এর পর ভালোমতন ধারণা পাই গ্রামসচির লেখায়।

"...theory maintained by Marx(?) and his followers that the state, in the form of a proletarian dictatorship, is a necessary transitional stage to a classless society, in which the state, after the elimination of all class conflicts and then the classes themselves, will dissolve itself and vanish from the canvas. For this concept, which completely mistakes the real nature of the state and the significance in history of the factor of political power, is only the logical outcome of so-called economic materialism, which sees in all the phenomena of history merely the inevitable effects of the methods of production of the time. Under the influence of this theory people came to regard the different forms of the state and all other social institutions as a 'juridical and political superstructure on the economic edifice' of society, and thought that they had found in it the key to every historic process"

"In the prison, in the cloister, or in the barracks one finds a fairly high degree of economic equality, as all the inmates are provided with the same dwelling, the same food, the same uniform, and the same tasks. The ancient Inca state in Peru and the Jesuit state in Paraguay had brought equal economic provision for every inhabitant to a fixed system, but in spite of this the vilest despotism prevailed there, and the human being was merely the automaton of a higher will on whose decisions he had not the slightest influence. It was not without reason that Proudhon saw in a "Socialism" without freedom the worst form of slavery"

"No one can finally spend more than he has. That holds good for individuals; it holds good for peoples. If one spends oneself for power, for higher politics, for husbandry, for commerce, parliamentarism, military interests, if one gives away that amount of reason, earnestness, will, self-mastery which constitutes one's real self for one thing, he will not have it for the other. Culture and the stateÑlet no one be deceived about thisÑare antagonists: the Culture State is merely a modern idea. The one lives on the other, the one prospers at the expense of the other. All great periods of culture are periods of political decline. Whatever is great in a cultured sense is non-political, is even anti-political" - Nietzsche

"Where the influence of political power on the creative forces in society is reduced to a minimum, there culture thrives the best, for political rulership always strives for uniformity and tends to subject every aspect of social life to its guardianship"

"I am not a Communist, because Communism unites all the forces of society in the state and becomes absorbed in it; because it inevitably leads to the concentration of all property in the hands of the state, while I seek the complete elimination of the principles of authority and governmental guardianship, which under the pretence of making men moral and civilising them, has up to now always enslaved, oppressed, exploited and ruined them." - Bakunin

"Without naming himself an anarchist, Leo Tolstoy, like his predecessors in the popular religious movements of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, Chojecki, Denkand many others, took the anarchist position as regards the state and property rights, deducing his conclusions from the general spirit of the teachings of Jesus and from the necessary dictates of reason. With all the might of his talent he made (especially in The Kingdom of God is Within You) a powerful criticism of the church, the state and law altogether, and especially of the present property laws. He describes the state as the domination of the wicked ones, supported by brutal force. Robbers, he says, are far less dangerous than a well-organized government. He makes a searching criticism of the prejudices which are current now concerning the benefits conferred upon men by the church, the state and the existing distribution of property, and from the teachings of Jesus he deduces the rule of non-resistance and the absolute condemnation of all wars. His religious arguments are, however, so well combined with arguments borrowed from a dispassionate observation of the present evils, that the anarchist portions of his works appeal to the religious and the non-religious reader alike." - Kroptokin

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